The Boss, the Pipeline, and the Planet Nobody's Saving

 

An old married couple who have been married for many years enjoying the start of the day at the breakfast table with steaming coffee and a beautiful garden
When the American president resorts to poor performance art you know something's wrong

A continuation of Who Profits from the Chaos? — on who profits when the world burns

Brian’s Table Talk  ·  June 2026  ·  brianstabletalk.blogspot.com 

When the Boss Shows Up Late

At the G7 summit in June 2026, Donald Trump arrived two hours late and opened with a remark that was equal parts joke and declaration: “I’m the boss.” Predictably, the commentary focused on the optics — the rudeness, the theatre, the dominance display. But theatre is rarely the point. The question worth asking is: who benefits from this particular performance, and why does it keep happening?

In a previous post — Who Profits from the Chaos? — I argued that the same transnational capitalist class (TCC) profiting from the Russia–Ukraine war is also profiting from the Israeli–Iranian–Gaza conflict. Defense capital, energy capital, and Western financial capital don’t choose sides. They monetize the conflict itself. Russian oligarchs, far from being outside the TCC, operate parallel capital structures that functionally intersect with Western finance at every pressure point. The wars are not accidents. They are, structurally speaking, markets.

Trump’s G7 behavior fits the same framework. It just operates at the governance level rather than the battlefield level.

Chaos Is Not the Enemy of Capital — It’s the Product

The instinct is to read Trump’s destabilization of multilateral institutions as counterproductive to the interests of global capital. Surely capital wants stability? Order? Predictability?

It does — but there is a crucial distinction between order and predictability within volatility. The TCC does not need the G7 to function smoothly. It needs the G7 to be unable to enforce anything that would constrain capital movement, regulate energy markets, set binding tax floors, or coordinate sanctions with teeth.

A humiliated, internally fractured G7 — one where the largest economy shows up two hours late and declares itself the boss — is, from a capital perspective, deregulation by other means. The multilateral architecture that took decades to build is the primary mechanism through which states could collectively discipline capital. Undermine that architecture, and you remove the constraint.

European leaders who cannot count on Washington are forced into bilateral negotiations — with energy suppliers, arms manufacturers, financial institutions — on far worse terms. The scramble for alternative energy supply, driven directly by the instability Trump accelerates, is precisely what is now filling pipelines and signing contracts worth billions. That connection is not abstract. It is, as we will see, 750 kilometres of pipeline through northern British Columbia.

The Pipeline That Conflict Built

The project is called Ksi Lisims LNG. It sits on Nisgaʿa Nation territory north of Prince Rupert, BC. It is Canada’s second-largest LNG complex in development, designed to export up to 12 million tonnes of liquefied natural gas per year, fed by a 750-kilometre pipeline from northeastern BC and supported by over $30 billion in projected investment.

The project is a partnership between the Nisgaʿa Nation, Rockies LNG, and Western LNG — but the consortium is fully owned by US-based Western LNG. The Indigenous partnership is real. The controlling capital is American.

The buyers tell the rest of the story. Shell and TotalEnergies — two of the most powerful energy corporations on the planet, both core TCC institutions — have each signed agreements to purchase two million tonnes per year from Ksi Lisims. Germany’s SEFE signed an additional one-million-tonne, 20-year agreement in May 2026. That last name deserves a second look.

SEFE — Securing Energy for Europe — was nationalized by Germany for 6.3 billion euros in 2022 after its former parent, Gazprom, abandoned the business when Russia invaded Ukraine. The pipeline from Russian gas into European homes has been rerouted — quite literally — through northern British Columbia. The same demand that Russian aggression created is now being met by North American LNG, owned and brokered by Western energy capital. The conflict disrupted one supply chain and created the market conditions for another. The TCC, as a class, profits from both ends.

Lock-In: How Capital Votes Against the Future

There is a structural concept that helps explain why this matters beyond any single pipeline deal: lock-in. Infrastructure of this scale — $30 billion in investment, 20-year purchase agreements, 30-year amortization schedules — does not just serve current demand. It forecloses future alternatives.

Canada has committed to a portfolio of LNG export projects that, combined, represent nearly $110 billion in proposed capital spending for a production capacity of more than 50 million tonnes per year. Prime Minister Carney has spoken of reaching 100 million tonnes annually by 2040. These are not investments in transition. They are investments in permanence.

When Shell and TotalEnergies sign long-term LNG purchase agreements, they are not merely making a commercial decision. They are casting a vote — with tens of billions of dollars — against the energy transition. That vote outweighs any corporate sustainability report, any net-zero pledge, any Paris Agreement statement of intent. The money tells the truth.

And here is the cruel irony of the Hormuz dimension. Analysts have noted that Canada stands to benefit from LNG demand driven by geopolitical disruptions — including potential closure of the Strait of Hormuz, through which roughly a fifth of the world’s oil passes. The very instability that signals deepening climate-driven geopolitical breakdown makes the fossil fuel investment more attractive, not less. Crisis is not a warning. For this class of capital, crisis is a sales pitch.

Why Nobody Is Rushing to the Sun

This brings us to the question you are probably already asking: if climate change is an existential crisis, why is nobody in power acting like it is? Why, when the Strait of Hormuz becomes unreliable and the Arctic is on fire and the coral is bleaching, does the response remain: more pipelines, more LNG, more fossil fuel infrastructure?

The answer is not ignorance. It is not even denial, exactly. It is rent.

The TCC does not need to block renewables with a phone call or a secret meeting. It just needs the return on fossil fuel infrastructure to remain higher than the return on alternatives — and conflict, instability, and energy dependency accomplish that automatically. Every time a war disrupts a supply route, the case for more LNG terminals strengthens. Every time a G7 fractures over energy security, bilateral fossil fuel deals proliferate. The structure rewards the investment.

Renewable energy does not generate this kind of cascading financial dependency. A solar panel on a German roof does not create a 20-year purchase agreement, a 750-kilometre pipeline, two floating platforms built in South Korea, and transoceanic shipping contracts. It just works. Quietly. Locally. Without the TCC extracting a cut at every node.

That is the real competition — not oil versus solar on efficiency or cost, but extractable rent versus distributed autonomy. The TCC cannot monetize the sun landing on your roof. They can monetize every kilometre of pipe.

Canada’s Trump Moment

There is a parallel that Canadians are beginning to name openly, even if hesitantly: Mark Carney is doing to Canada’s environmental commitments something structurally similar to what Trump has done to American multilateralism. The style is different. The mechanism is the same.

Since taking office, Carney has eliminated the consumer carbon tax, reversed the oil and gas emissions cap, scrapped the electric vehicle sales mandate, amended clean electricity regulations to permit new natural gas generation, and doubled down on fossil fuel subsidies for LNG and enhanced oil recovery. The sectors affected — buildings, transportation, oil and gas, heavy industry, and electricity — account for roughly 75 percent of Canada’s total greenhouse gas emissions.

The rollbacks are not minor policy adjustments. Environmental Defence Canada has called it “the worst evisceration of environmental law in Canadian history.” Steven Guilbeault — former environment minister, former Greenpeace activist — resigned from cabinet over it. Fourteen Liberal MPs sent a letter of objection. La Presse accused Carney of “environmental treason.” One in four Canadians, including 22 percent of Liberal voters, called the Alberta energy agreement a betrayal.

As of June 16, 2026, three young Canadians and two environmental organizations have filed a federal lawsuit alleging the Carney government is violating its own legally binding climate accountability legislation. Carney himself has acknowledged publicly that Canada will miss its 2030 and 2035 climate targets under current policy.

The most generous interpretation is that Carney is making the best of an impossible situation — managing Trump’s economic pressure from the south, separatist sentiment in Alberta, and the need to diversify trade — by positioning Canada as an energy superpower. Perhaps. But the structural outcome is identical to what the TCC would design if it were sitting at the table: fossil fuel lock-in dressed in the language of energy security and nation-building.

When the justification for abandoning climate commitments is that the geopolitical situation demands it — and the geopolitical situation was itself shaped by conflicts that enriched energy capital — you are watching the logic complete its circle.

Convergence, Again

The thread running through all of this is not conspiracy. It does not require coordination, secret meetings, or a shadowy board of directors. It requires only that the incentive structures of global capital, conflict economics, and political survival all point in the same direction.

Trump’s “I’m the boss” destabilizes multilateral governance. Destabilized governance produces bilateral energy deals. Bilateral energy deals entrench fossil fuel infrastructure. Entrenched fossil fuel infrastructure crowds out the transition. The transition delay perpetuates the conditions — geopolitical instability, resource competition, climate disruption — that make fossil fuel investment attractive in the first place.

This is not a loop that requires a villain. It is a loop that requires capital to behave like capital — which it always does.

The sun keeps landing on German rooftops. Nobody in the TCC is making money from it.

That is the problem. That is the whole problem.

 

Brian is a retired pastor and writer living in the Visayas, Philippines. This post is part of an ongoing series applying structural power analysis to global capital, conflict, and governance. Previous post: Who Profits from the Chaos?.

 

Sources

[1] Government of Canada. “Canada Secures First European LNG Deal.” Natural Resources Canada, May 27, 2026. canada.ca

[2] Canada’s National Observer. “Canada Seals First European LNG Deal — But Economic and Climate Hazards Loom.” May 27, 2026. nationalobserver.com

[3] Globe and Mail. “Ksi Lisims Reaches LNG Deal with German Utility SEFE.” May 27, 2026. theglobeandmail.com

[4] Global News. “Canada Signs LNG Deal with Germany, the First with a European Buyer.” May 27, 2026. globalnews.ca

[5] CBC. “Canada Reaches ‘Milestone’ Deal to Sell LNG from Ksi Lisims Project to Germany.” May 27, 2026. cbc.ca

[6] Government of Canada. “Ksi Lisims LNG — Major Projects Office.” canada.ca

[7] The Hub. “Carney’s Climate Retreat Covers 75 Percent of Canada’s Emissions — and Is Splitting His Own Caucus.” May 29, 2026. thehub.ca

[8] The Hub. “Carney’s Climate Policy Is Splitting the Left.” May 28, 2026. thehub.ca

[9] CBC News. “Youth, Advocacy Groups Sue Carney Government over Climate Rollbacks.” June 16, 2026. cbc.ca

[10] Canada’s National Observer. “Carney Puts Climate Policy on the Ropes.” May 19, 2026. nationalobserver.com

[11] Canada’s National Observer. “Carney Government Faces First Lawsuit over Its Climate Policies.” June 16, 2026. nationalobserver.com

[12] Ecosocialists Vancouver. “Carney Backs Worst Gutting of Environmental Law.” ecosocialistsvancouver.org

[13] Carbon Credits. “Mark Carney Admits Canada Will Miss 2030 and 2035 Climate Targets.” carboncredits.com

[14] Halifax Examiner. “The Carney Government Has Abandoned Canada’s Climate Goals, and Young People Are Mad About It.” June 2026. halifaxexaminer.ca

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